The A Yeoman Farmer Series Part IV:

[Mark Safranski/ zen]

I am stirring from blogging retirement to bring you a series culled from a historical-political essay by a scholar who is a very long time reader of ZP who wrote this post over a long period of time following the last presidential election. He writes under the pseudonym “A Yeoman Farmer” and his foil is the famous “Flight 93 Election” essay of “Publius Decius Mus” in The Claremont Review of BooksI will be breaking the essay into parts and turning the footnotes into section endnotes with each post and linking to the previous sections that have been posted. This post comprises Part IV and the final conclusion of the series.

Part I can be found here

Part II can be found here

Part III can be found here

The Reichstag is always burning: a commentary on The Flight 93 Election

By: A Yeoman Farmer

….

9. Continetti trips over a more promising approach when he writes of “stress[ing]

the ‘national interest abroad and national solidarity at home’ through foreign-

policy retrenchment, ‘support to workers buffeted by globalization,’ and setting

‘tax rates and immigration levels’ to foster social cohesion." That sounds a lot

like Trumpism. But the phrases that Continetti quotes are taken from Ross

Douthat and Reihan Salam, both of whom, like Continetti, are

vociferously—one might even say fanatically—anti-Trump. At least they,

unlike Kesler, give Trump credit for having identified the right stance on

today’s most salient issues. Yet, paradoxically, they won’t vote for Trump

whereas Kesler hints that he will. It’s reasonable, then, to read into Kesler’s

esoteric endorsement of Trump an implicit acknowledgment that the crisis is,

indeed, pretty dire. I expect a Claremont scholar to be wiser than most other

conservative intellectuals, and I am relieved not to be disappointed in this

instance.

The “right stance on today’s most salient issues” sums up the problem for what ails

America is not today’s more salient issues, it is something deeper and not one that is

solved by having the “right stance”, a stance that seems to be right only because it

fits the author’s prejudices. If the right stance were all that mattered, then there is no

fundamental choice to be made only different stances on the same issues. In other

words, there are no choices left, only policy positions, which itself suggests that the

crisis the author claims exist is simply that his policy preferences, the right stance, is

not being chosen or can be chosen. Yet, the author, aside from describing a

declension of the most alarming kind, the 1000-year progressivist Reich awaits,

simply refers to the right policy stances. One wonders if the real 1000-year Reich

could have been defeated with the right policy stances.

What is surprising, but in a deeper sense is not at all surprising since it fits the

contempt for the “corrupt” America, is that none of the conservatives and specifically

Trump did not have a proposal or thought for the opioid epidemic killing thousands of

Americans. Instead, the key issues are immigration, trade, and war as if these are

what are killing the most Americans each year. Here is where Kesler’s glib statement

and the author’s implicit support for it are revealed for their dishonesty. Trump did

not have a policy proposal on the opioid crisis and Hillary Clinton did. 6 I guess that

Professor Kesler believes that no policy option for opioids is better than Clinton’s

policy option.

What is not explained nor is it explored is how conservatives contributed to America

becoming so corrupt that it was in danger of going over the cliff on immigration,

trade, and war. If we look at the broad level, we see that Obama brought down

immigration levels, improved America’s trade position, and worked to bring

America’s involvement in Iraq and Afghanistan to an end. However, we are to

understand that America is at the cliff edge without having a point of reference to

know when it was not on the cliff edge or what specifically about the general issues

(trade, immigration, and war) as well as the eight sub issues that appear as

constants within American society (all societies?) was not problematic previously but

became problematic in 2016?

We are also given an insight into what Trumpism means when the author praises

Continetti’s proposals. Here is what Trumpism appears to be:

national interest abroad and national solidarity at home

foreign-policy retrenchment

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