REVIEW: Why Socrates Died by Waterfield

Much of the book is devoted to the career of the mercurial and highly charismatic Alcibiades, who entered politics young and as a disciple of Socrates. According to Wakefield, A scion of the greatest of Athenian houses, Alcibiades in his person was emblematic of all of the virtues and vices of the old Athenian aristocracy that had once ruled Athens from the grand council of the Aeropagus. Of the rising generation of young and clever men of good breeding who aimed to play a role in the politics of the radical democracy, Alcibiades had the greatest promise. Highly intelligent, wealthy, handsome and with a magnetic charm, Alcibiades had the natural arête and metis to romance the mob and bend it to his will. It was this that Waterfield argues attracted the attention of Socrates, who saw in Alcibiades and other young men of promising talent he took on as students the future of Athens.

Unfortunately, with Alcibiades, his numerous gifts could never be separated from his equally stupendous flaws – sexual libertinism, flamboyant profligacy, megalomaniacal ambition and reckless hubris – that were frequently his undoing. A psychological chameleon and demagogue, Waterfield argues that the Athenians, as much as they repeatedly forgave and embraced Alcibiades and his schemes, ultimately feared him as an aspiring tyrant. This feeling crystallized into blame for Socrates in the public mind when other students of his who lacked the charms of Alcibiades, notably Critias, sought revolution and oligarchy. Critias’ bloodthirsty pro-Spartan regime as well as the elite’s prior attempt at oligarchy are explained but not with the same space and attention to detail devoted to Alcibiades. One point that Waterfield takes further than most is arguing that Critias aspirations for a morally reformed and less populated Athens are very much in line with the teachings of Socrates. That far from an aberration for whom Socrates bears little responsibility, Critias represented the philosopher’s hopes for Athens and the Athenian democrats who had suffered at the hands of the Thirty Tyrants wanted someone held accountable. That someone was Socrates, whose teachings as it were, would imperil democracy again were he left at liberty.

Waterfield’s handling of the trial itself is less satisfying and includes a lengthy foray into fictive speculation of material prejudicial to Socrates that his notable apologists, Plato and Xenophon, have carefully omitted from their elegies to their beloved master and his trial. The parallels between Athenian religious ceremony and the results of Socrates trial – a trial for impiety held in defiance of the general amnesty that had been decreed for actions under previous regimes – are present. The Greeks did not as a rule go in for human sacrifices in the classical era (though it wasn’t quite as unknown as is commonly believed) but the symmetry is present if more metaphorical than perhaps explicitly religious. It is difficult as a modern to game out exactly where matters of state end and religion begin when the religion is pagan and intertwined in the mind of Athenians with the fate of the state. A debate more for classical scholars than the average layman.

What is difficult to dispute is the centrality of Socrates life in the evolution of Western philosophy and the contradiction he presents for admirers of self-government and free speech and thought as the core of a liberal society. Socrates elenchus is radically subversive; his Homeric tenets on rulership were arch-reactionary even by the standards of his day and Socrates devotion to his beliefs could not be dented even when they required the supreme sacrifice.

What would an American Socrates look and sound like today? How would “the herd” react to his immovable defiance of popular ideologies? Judging by the barometer of social media and the lynch mob mentalities and angry censoriousness that prevail in elite quarters of American life, I’d have to say: poorly. I see no evidence that Americans living in the bastion of civil liberty would prove more tolerant of dissent than did the Athenian democrats who put Socrates to death.

Waterfield has written a lively and informative explanation of a philosopher whose execution casts a long shadow even after two thousand years.  Recommended.

 

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  1. Charles Cameron:

    Sacrifice of the Logos, Hellene version to compare with Hebrew.

  2. zen:

    Very Straussian observation, Charles.
    .
    Paul Johnson concluded his short popular bio of Socrates with the analogies to Christ and ancient Jewish monotheism

  3. J.ScottShipman:

    Gentlemen,
    .
    Recently I read James V. Schall’s (a Jesuit) book Docilitas. His book draws parallels between Socrates and Christ and this passage seemed fitting to quote:
    .

    “Socrates died telling us: “No evil could harm a good man,” not even death itself. Indeed, death was to be preferred to doing evil. Christ died commending His spirit to the Father forgiving His enemies. Socrates often taught his greatest lessons in stories, parables, or “myths.” Christianity is said to be the one “myth” that is true. It is comforting to disavow reason that we might not have to face the truth. But the real and only adventure is to face the truth.”

    .
    As we know, the Hellenist informed the early Church in the articulation of the Faith, and the Logos. Schall is a recent discovery and highly recommended—Zen, I believe you’d love this book.

  4. zen:

    Ordered!
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    I take ye at your word, sir. 🙂
    .
    You are right Scott that early Christianity was born in the part of the empire that was in the Hellenistic world and in the first three centuries and then after Constantine’s conversion, the Roman elite became increasingly Hellenized. Even in Christ’s day Pontius Pilate probably spoke Koine Greek as well or better than he did Latin. This area however is not my wheelhouse and I could stand to learn more about it

  5. Deacon Nicholas:

    Christians in Rome did not use Latin in the Mass until the middle of the 3rd century. Sounds like Latinization.

  6. zen:

    That could be. The Roman poor though spoke always colloquial Latin, the equites and patricians learned Greek and spoke that in preference privately and wrote in it. It might be the Church opted for the language of the poor of the time (I’m guessing – I’m a US-Sov diplo history guy by education 🙂 )

  7. Charles Cameron:

    It always seemed to me that John (the Evangelist) very nicely finessed two lines of thought, that of the Hebrew Dabar or word of creation & command, and that of the Greek Logos or word as blueprint, vision, in the opening of his gospel. As I recall, both CK Barrett and CH Dodd see a connection along these lines. I’d add that a reader fresh in to Alexandria from India might well have read also a reference to Vac, the Sanskrit goddess of speech. I believe the Vedas contain phrasing that comes very close to John 1.1, in two separate short passages: “In the beginning was Speech” and “Speech was verily the supreme Brahman”. FWIW the concept of Vac is pretty rich and deep, as indeed are both Dabar and Logos..
    .
    There’s also an interesting correlation between Logos and Tao.. which CS Lewis remarks on.