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Saturday, October 23rd, 2004

REVIEWING THE DELETED SCENE – PART III

To continue the examination of Dr. Barnett’s deleted scene on System Perturbation that I began in Part I. and Part II. we’re going to look at the rules # 4-6 today. As usual, Dr. Barnett’s text is in bold, my commentary is regular text.

“What’s really at risk in a System Perturbation?

Rule #4: In response to System Perturbations, horizontal systems tighten up vertically, but vertical systems tighten up horizontally?



After 9/11, a horizontal system like the United States will tighten up its rule sets by forging more comprehensive cooperation between local, state and federal agencies, or along vertical lines of authority. Horizontal systems like the U.S. naturally fear that their distributedness is their weakness, when in reality, it is their strength. But tightening up along vertical lines only makes sense, sort of defense-in-depth philosophy that is more logical than, say, states coming together per se. In a vertical system you tend to see the opposite sort of response: when the Great Leader finds his rule under attack, he starts reining everyone in because he is never quite sure who to trust. So you see crackdowns on untrustworthy groups and more palace guards. That was basically Saddam Hussein’s tack across the nineties after the U.S. booted Iraq out of Kuwait: he kept creating new, ever more trustworthy troops to surround him, and he put those troops under his most trusted relatives. More generally in response to 9/11, we saw plenty of vertical political systems around the world use the excuse of the global war on terrorism to target dissidents, separatists, and the like, reclassifying everyone as a terrorist and seeking the U.S.’s blessing for that designation. So what is at risk here is basically the civil rights of citizens the world over, because a vertical shock can easily send even the most horizontal systems over the top in their search for security.”



That strikes me as a reasonable analysis and one we really need to pay attention to on the margins because the down the line costs are surprisingly high in a lot of ways. Giving obnoxious enablers of Islamist terrorism like Cat Stevens the boot is about right. With Tariq Ramadan , a famous scholar with somewhat shady connections, we wander into a gray area in terms of cost-benefit analysis to U.S. policy. When budding scientists and mathematicians from India, China, South Korea, Russia- many of whom after studying in American universities decide to stay here permanently and contribute to our economic and technological preeminence – decide a U.S. visa isn’t worth the security restrictions hassle, we are shooting ourselves in the foot. Somehow I think we can take precautions to screen out young Islamist males belonging to Hamas, Islamic Jihad, the Muslim Brotherhood and al Qaida without targeting 180 I.Q. Asian physicists and genetic engineers. Long term this trend represents an economic disaster far worse than 9/11 – we depend on foreigners to fill about half of our annual hard science Ph.d slots – there are no ” substitute goods ” for these kinds of brains. If they aren’t here, they’re not here and critical opportunities simply get lost.

Visa and security policies needs to be reevaluated to target – yes target – only Islamist activists and their financial supporters with the precise specificity once reserved for likely Eastern bloc spies. We did not search grandmothers, wheelchair bound Dutch parapalegics and elderly Congressman at airports in order to prove that we were not discriminating against Slavs when we were looking for KGB agents. Visa entry and security screening needs to be removed from the hands of gumshoe bureaucrats at Homeland Security and PC fools like Norman Mineta and handed over to FBI and CIA counterintelligence professionals.

Rule #5: Vertical scenarios scare horizontal systems more, while horizontal scenarios scare vertical systems more.



People living in horizontal systems typically enjoy significantly larger amounts of freedom, and so it is easier to slap a vertical scenario like a terrorist attack on an open society than a closed one. Naturally, people living in more horizontal systems understand that vulnerability and fear vertical scenarios, or the bolt-from-the-blue, far more than horizontal scenarios, or some slow-developing problem against which you can mobilize your network of resources. 9/11 really shocked America, even though the death total was fairly small when you compare it, say, to deaths from car accidents each year (40 to 50 thousand), but those death unfold in small increments, spread out across the land, whereas 9/11’s victims died all at once. Plus, Americans understand the risks of driving; we know those rule sets. But 9/11 triggered the response of “People just shouldn’t have to die that way,” meaning it offended our sense of rules regarding warfare. Bolts-from-the-blue like 9/11 tend to haunt U.S. strategic planners, because we know there is little we can do to prevent an enemy from getting that first sucker-punch in on America, whereas in a long, knockdown drag-out fight, we are very confident that we will prevail. Vertical systems tend to fear horizontal scenarios more, say, like the slow build-up of resistance to rule. Soviet Russia went nuts over individual dissidents like Andrei Sakharov, because they feared he would slowly “poison” the minds of an entire generation, making both rule and reform impossible. They were right to be afraid. Similarly, the political leadership in China runs scared when a Falun Gong movement develops secretly on its own, using the network connectivity of the Internet to spread its gospel. When several thousand Falun Gong disciples showed up one morning on Tianammen Square, what was frightening to the Chinese leadership was less their non-violent protest than the their obvious self-organizing capabilities. So if horizontal systems fear political assassinations, vertical systems live more in fear of grass roots movements.



Horizontal scenarios based upon economic trends or memetic ideological appeal are also extremely difficult, though not impossible, to reverse or check. For the WOT we need to bear in mind that al Qaida is a vertical system but Islamism is a horizontal one that goes back actually to the late 19th and early 20th century – Jamal ad-Din al Afghani’s Ittihad-i Islam, Muhammed Abduh, Rashid Rida and Hassan al Banna’s Muslim Brotherhood among others. It has taken at least four generations of increasing militancy and ideological reification to produce intelligent, highly capable, moral monsters like Osama bin Laden and an Abu Musab al-Zarqawi. They did not spring out of the earth solely because the United States supports Israel and invaded Iraq or because the Soviets invaded Afghanistan. The political programming – the Islamist “rule-set”- as it were, was ready to go when the Muslim world faced the twin System Perturbations of the Shah’s fall and the invasion of Afghanistan.

These kinds of horizontal scenarios can be stopped – the American Populist movement with it’s alternate model of anticapitalist communitarian economics and fiat money was destroyed at the ballot box by the major parties and by the logic of the industrial revolution and free market efficiency. National Socialism and Fascism were utterly discredited by their bloody defeat in WWII. Socialim and Communism suffered a devastating blow – but were not destroyed completely as a force in world politics – by the collapse of the USSR.

While each of these horizontal scenarios took decades to reach a crisis stage and decline the second and third examples involved ruinous economic and human costs – it was a lot of expensive hard power over many years to gain those results. Fortunately, the first example gives us a clue to the virtue of PNM theory’s ” Connectivity ” and the ability to provide, in Dr. Barnett’s words, a ” Happy ending ” of a ” Future worth creating “. The Populists failed here and did not take up arms or become terrorists because the same economy that was tormenting farmers with gold standard deflation and monopoly transport costs also provided cheaper consumer goods, competing ideas and an alternate means of rising in life through urban industrialization. That is precisely what we need to start doing in the Gap and it’s why Dr. Barnett’s PNM is striking a chord across a deeply divided America – it’s a comprehensive explanation, it isn’t the dark prospect of nothing but perpetual war and people who are already connected in the Core intuitively know it will work.

Of course, there’s not a few ” implicit villains ” out there who fear it will work. Something worth recalling because as PNM spreads throughout the public mind some of the attacks on it are going to get pretty shrill, become intellectually dishonest and frankly, personal. Self-interests are being challenged here of established, powerful, selfish, insider elites who like the Gap just as it is – quite sick but a reality of politics.

Rule #6: Vertical scenarios harm vertical systems more, while horizontal scenarios harm horizontal systems more.



This rule simply says that Rule #5 is basically wrong, despite what people in both systems tend to believe. In reality, vertical strikes can do little damage to truly distributed systems. If someone wipes out the White House, Congress and the Supreme Court one afternoon, nothing would really change in our country in terms of our ability to maintain rule. Yes, it would be a huge shock, but it would not be hard to replace all those leaders rather quickly. I could find you 535 ex-senators and representatives living within a ten-mile radius of the Capitol itself who could easily step back into rule, tell me how hard it would be to find nine lawyers in Washington who think they are smart enough to sit on the Supreme Court! But even beyond those facile examples lies the reality that we have 50 “farm teams” around the country, each complete with their own set of executives, supreme courts, and legislative branches. You if you wipe out our national leadership you do not really kill our capacity for leadership, because we have got more political leaders than we can count! What really stresses out horizontal systems like the U.S. are the horizontal scenarios that never seem to end, like a Great Depression, which really only ended when the vertical shock of Pearl Harbor put the country on another pathway. In contrast, vertical systems like Saddam Hussein’s regime can really be dismembered quite profoundly simply by taking out the leadership. Remember the “most wanted” deck of cards? That said we really needed to nail only about 50 bad actors in Iraq and we would have eliminated the bulk of the Baath party rule.

I’m not sure here to the extent to which I agree and disagree. Earlier I stated that problem of ” marginality ” or ” tipping points ” at which a horizontal system crosses the threshold in which the accumulated stress triggers an irrevocable downward, accelerating, systemic death spiral. I still expect that principle to be true because it has universality in organized systems – everything tends toward entropy eventually. After re-reading this passage though I’m now inclined to think that such a tipping point is more likely to be reached by a combination of intersecting horizontal and vertical scenarios than a set of vertical scenario attacks acting in unison. Then again, I think if enough vertical scenarios hit a horizontal systems ” choke points” you can get a similar effect.

Well done Dr. Barnett ! You’re knocking me off my usual perch of analytical certainty – I’d really like to hear some input on this particular rule from some of the very bright people out there who check in here at Zenpundit regularly, even the ones who don’t always feel inclined to leave comments. My brain needs to be kick-started here with some differing perspectives.

Part IV will be in the works soon.

Friday, October 22nd, 2004

THE EVOLVING HISTORIOGRAPHY OF THE THIRD REICH

Geitner Simmons is taking his leave of the blogosphere with a bang in his post on the changing view of the nature of Nazi Germany among historians who are coming to accept a view of the Germans as another class of victims of Hitler’s dark tyranny.

I have not yet read the Evans book so I won’t comment on the specifics of his argument directly but I do find the entire thesis morally troublesome at first glance; not least in the fact that many other scholars have found a great deal of evidence that the average German was unlikely to be menaced by the SS-Gestapo -SD security apparatus. Ian Kershaw documented in his fine two volume biography of Hitler that when the war turned against Germany, the Fuhrer’s bedrock support remained the fanatical core of the Nazi Party – the Gauleiters, Reichsleiters, SS fanatics and radical Party functionaries like Goebbels, Bormann and Rosenberg – but the German people followed loyally to the very end. There was low morale and grumbling, the support for the Fuhrer among war-weary Germans was passive – but it was support nonetheless, not resistance or victimization.

If a German was not Jewish or married to a Jew, not an active political or religious opponent of the regime, not mentally ill, a flagrant homosexual or a member of Himmler’s numerically small classes of social undesirables, they had little to fear from the Gestapo. Even when ordinary Germans began protesting the secret T-4 euthanasia program that was Hitler’s trial run for a eugenic murder machine, the Nazi regime backed down rather than retaliate with widespread terror.

Considering the degree or nuance of Nazi tyranny over the German populace is the job of a historian and I’m confident that Richard Evans, careful scholar that he is, employed his argument with great precision. It remains however, an argument that can easily be stretched to become as insupportable as Daniel Goldhagen’s claim that all Germans were made by their cultural antisemitism and Hitler’s political sorcery into potential eliminationist murderers. It also smacks strongly of the modern preference for distinguishing between a ghoulish regime and the people it rules over, including the dictatorship’s own masses of supporters and bureaucrats. This is frankly an anachronism – no one thought like that at the time American and British bombs were raining on Dresden – not even to the Germans who were being firebombed.

The historiography of the Third Reich is important because Hitler and his regime are now a universal touchstone and a reference for human evil. Allusions to Nazism get injected into political debates across the world, usually inaccurately, by people in lands that never were involved in the European theater in WWII. A few years back, John Lukacs caused a stir by citing in his The Hitler of History, a seldom used, conservative estimate of the Holocaust of 4.2 million dead instead of the usual 6 million or 6.5 million, on methodological grounds. Battles over historical interpretation tend to become heated when discernable groups identify with the narrative of events and in the case of the talismanic nature of the Hitler myth, with it’s atavistic barbarism and the moral abyss of the Holocaust, everyone feels that the history touches them in some way.

Thursday, October 21st, 2004

FATHER OF NSC-68 AND INF TREATY DEAD AT 97

I was sad to read at The Chicago Boyz of the passing of Paul Nitze, author of NSC-68, who with George Kennan was one of the primary architects of America’s Cold War victory over Soviet Communism. Here is the eloquent commentary from Sulaiman of The Chicago Boyz on Mr. Nitze.

“They don’t make Democrats like they used to

Paul Nitze, a life long Democrat who also served under Ronald Reagan, died on Wednesday. Having spent his childhood around the UofC where his father taught, he made it big both in Washington and on Wall Street. I suspect the readers of this page may not agree with some of the positions he took in over 50 years of political life in national security affairs, but in his National Security Council memorandum 68 (NSC 68), a classified report to President Harry Truman in the aftermath of first nuclear explosion by the Soviets, he framed US relations with the Soviet Union as a struggle between freedom and slavery. It was this kind of moral clarity, not nuance and international sophistication, that won the Cold War. Also it was the policies set forth in the aftermath of WWII by people like Nitze that have created the longest peace among major Western powers since the time of Romans. And it was the American security net championed by distinguished individuals like Nitze that allowed Western Europeans to take their minds off national jealousies and concentrate on economic integration. The world had never seen the spread of prosperity in such a short period of time.



As Sulaiman noted, after making an enormous contribution to the defense of Western civilization, Mr. Nitze chose, in his old age, to return to an active hand in guiding delicate and high-stakes arms control negotiations with the USSR during the Reagan administration where his crowning achievement was the signing of the INF treaty that abolished an entire class of nuclear weapons in Europe. To put Mr. Nitze’s career in perspective, here are the highlights of a man who dedicated his life to public service.

Vice-Chairman of the U.S. Strategic Bombing Survey 1944-46

Head of Policy Planning for the State Department 1950 -1953

Secretary of the Navy 1963-1967

Deputy Secretary of Defense 1967 -1969

U.S. Delegation, SALT I. Talks 1969-1973

Assistant Secretary of Defense for International Affairs 1973- 1976

Chief Negotiator, INF Talks 1981-1984

Special Adviser to the President and Secretary of State, on Arms Control 1984 – 1988.

R.I.P. Paul Nitze…and thank you.

Thursday, October 21st, 2004

OSAMA THE OCCULTED ?

An interesting rumination on the WOT over at Riting on the Wall.

Wednesday, October 20th, 2004

THE DEATH OF WESTPHALIA AND THE RISE OF A NEW RULE-SET

Yesterday, belaboring a point I’ve frequently made here, on HNN and on H-Diplo, I wrote:

“…retaining control of the initiative is critical in an unconventional, asymmetric war like the War on Terror. Smart, creative, ever evolving tactics within a larger strategy keeps the enemy off-balance but forces him to evolve to an extent, organizationally-speaking, in a direction we determine by our setting of the conflict parameters. This is why it is critical that the United States government – not the UN, not the Red Cross, not the EU, not professional NGO activists or media blowhards – determine the rules of engagement against a foe whose only rule in this war is that they will honor no rules whatsoever. Beslan is their paradigm, not the Geneva Convention.



Attempts to force the post-Kantian ” police model ” rule-set of warfare, adhered to by most European powers, on the United States military, is an attempt to hobble our response to al Qaida. Not an *effect* of applying such standards but the *intent* for applying them. Not all of our friends are really our friends in this war and not all of our usual or logical enemies are against us either, as they each pursue their own best interests.”

Today TM Lutas had an important post about how the American public – who foots the cost in blood and treasure for being the world-system’s leviathan and stabilizer – perceives the War on Terror and how the rest of the World does. It is noteworthy that the remainder of the Core could afford such chores but opt to leave them to the United States – while implicity demanding ” stakeholder rights ” on determining on how that American force is employed on their behalf. Go read the whole post but here is the critical excerpt:

“That approximately 7 in 10 voters feel that we are in a real war, a war that is non-westphalian, is incredibly disruptive to the current international system which is based on westphalian principles and which can not survive in a non-westphalian world. This poll means that a durable majority in the country that supplies nearly 50% of the world’s military force essentially believes that all the international applecarts are going to have to get turned over. Furthermore, this is one of the two issues that they feel are most important for the country to face today. This is an electoral tiger that neither candidate is entirely comfortable riding though President Bush comes a lot closer to popular sentiment than Senator Kerry….”



“…I suspect that if the poll were taken among the political elite and among the general population, a huge, yawning chasm would appear in their responses. In this bifurcated nation between the people and the powerful, it would be President Bush on the side of the people, with the powerful’s champion being Senator Kerry. “

I agree. The American foreign policy elite – except for the Neocons who have blind spots of their own- from the Dovish Transnational Progressives to the hawkish Realist Stabilitarians of the Kissinger-Nixon mold, are loath to grapple with the implications of the collapse of the post-WWII, Cold War, world order. They just ignore the obvious breadth of the Islamist insurgency and forget that WWIII itself provoked a drastic change of rule-sets – Bretton Woods, the World Bank, The UN, NATO, GATT, Bipolarity, MAD, EU – because the interwar rule-set no longer matched the conditions of the world.

So far there have been two alternative models proposed – The National Security Strategy of the United States, a document influenced by Neocon analysis and Dr. Barnett’s Global Transaction Strategy based on the PNM theory. The rest of our bipartisan elite, so far, has nothing to offer – except pretense, criticism and the dogged obstinacy of a ruling class stunned by the realization that circumstances are leaving them in the dust.

They need to lead or get out of the way.


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